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SPEECH 



HON. S. W. INGE, OF ALABAMA, 

ON THE 

RELATION OF PARTIES 

TO 

THE MEXICAN WAR. 



Delivered ix ths House of Representatives, March 22, 1848. 

In rising, for the first lime, to address (his House, I cannot refrain from 
some allusion (o that malign spirit of party , which seems'to actua' iL m ^o 'ty 
and wh.ch has, to the exclusion of every.hing else, influenced their^S 
smce this Congress assembled. And I allud? to if, sir, but ,o den eca te it ' 
and to express my profound regret ihaf, at a time like ihis, when (he welfare and 
honor of the republic demand .he united and zealous action of her s!a te me", 
he voice of patriotism in this Hall is silent, and our ears are vexecTby 
the cons ant clamors of parly. For nearly two years .he flies of war have 
reddened the south western horizon, and in contempla.ion of the brilliant deeds 
which have signalized the triumphant advance of our armies, the hear of he 
nation has throbbed only wiih patriotic adnu-ration. So intense are .he feel! 
mgs which this bloody s.ruggle with a foreign na.ion has aroused an ong he 
people, tha they have almost ceased to remember their party strug.rles a. home 
Looking abroad upon .he theatre of war, they have seen the quS succeTon 
of battles and of victories, which have flashed'upon the country mdo';ea 
he.r own domestic broils. But the politicians who sit opposit'e to n7s m 
to be a distinct class, insensible to the glory of our arms and dead to the 
sympathies which pervade .he masses. Con.rolling as the'y do .he ac ion of 
his Chamber the country looks to them to support'the demands of the pub 
ic service. They look not to (he public service or the national honor- 
but to the ends and purposes of party. Their minds aspire to nothino- above 
the dignity of a party issue. A successful parliamenta.-; trick is, with them 
a matter of more congratulation than a victory achieved over the fo.eicrn ene' 
my, and It is a question of far more importance to determine, how th? politi- 
cal war IS to be earned on, than how the Mexican war shall be terminated 
I do not object, sir, to the existence of parties, so long as they are restrain- 
ed within legmmate bounds. From the very nature of things in all free 
Slates, where the mind of man is untrammelled, parties must ever exist 
Ihis country owes much in its pursuit of political science to party 'col' 
hsions of intellect, from which truth has been eliminated. In every well- 
ordered republic history informs us of the existence of par.ies ; nor did thev 
cease to exist but with the free government fmm which they sprung Par. 
lies and party discussion have ever been coeval with liberty. In the fi?e States 
of Greece parties existed, the oifspring of freedom and the parents of eloquence, 
nor did they end till the flag of Alexander waved in triumph over the ten.ples 
of Pericles. So was it in Rome. Great questions of public interest were 
discussed and parties continued to exist until the Dindem of the Ceesars sup- 
planted the 7 ribunitial power. I believe, sir, the welfare of this country de- 
pends upon the maintenance of the organization of the Democratic party 
the very purpose of that organization is the preservation of this object' 



The policy and objects of the antagonistic party I shall endeavor to unfold- 
in (he course of my remarks. 

The history of parties, in connection with the Mexican war, in its origin, 
progress, and lerminaiion, forms a curious chapter in Auiericun politics. I 
shall examine the relation of parties to this great qtiesnon, with a view of 
presenting the conduct of each to the impartial judginent of the people; and 
in my comments upon the course of that parly opposed to the present Ad- 
ministration, I desire to be understood as limiting their application to politi- 
cians by trade. The great body of the American people, however known by 
party appellations, and divided by differences of opinion, are moved by the 
same impulses of patriotism when the national honor is involved. 

The history of Texas, its revolution, and subsequent annexation to (he 
American confederacy, is so familiarly known to the world, as to relieve 
me from minute detail. I shall advert only to (he prominent events upon 
which my argument rests. 

Prior to the year 1834, Texas was an independent Slate of the Mexican- 
confederacy, under the Constitution of 1824, having similar relations to (he 
Federal Government and her sisier States, which exist betv/een the S'tates 
and Federal Government of our own political system. 

Santa Anna, at the head of an army of mercenaries, subverted the Consti- 
tution of 1824 ; abolished (he sovereignty of the States, and erected upon the 
ruins of the republic, a central niili(;uy despoti^^m. The people of Texas re- 
monstrated against the lawless pioceedings of ihe de?[,oi,but ren onstrance ordy 
inflamed his lust of power, and he determined to crush opposition !)y military 
force. The invasion of Texas by a formidable army, comni.'inded by San a 
Anna in person, was met by a determined spirit of ref^isience. The battle of 
iSan Jacinto was fought and won, and (he independence of '^rexases(ablished. 

Who will deny (he right of revolution to (he people of Texas under. 
such circumstances? They had been invited by (he Mexican Government 
to colonize (he State of Texas, then under the dominion of the savage. 
Tribes of Indians roamed over her fair plains, acknowledging no law biu their 
own barbarous nomadic customs, and selling at defiance ilie feeble power of 
Mexico. It was the policy of Mexico to reclaim this country, and erect a 
barrier of civilized setilements against the ingress of ihe savage to her terri- 
tory west of the Rio Grande, "^ihe hardy pioneers of eur own country were 
invited to populate Texas, and to ex'^rcise all (he rights of free Govern- 
ment and State sovereignty in the land of (lieir adoption. They abandoned 
none of (he rights of freemen by (heir migiaiion, for imderihe F^ederal Consti- 
tution of 1824 they had (he same poli(ical rights in "^Pexas which (hey had 
enjoyed in Missouri and elsewhere, whils( iliey were ci(izens of the United 
States. The revolution was the result, (he legidmaie and lawful result, of 
tyrannical aggression by a military usurper upon the liberiies ot the Texan 
people. By their heroic and successful resistance tliey vindicated their line- 
age from the sires of (he American revoluiior). 

The battle of San Jacinto terminated the Texan war with Mexico. Im- 
mediately after that event, Santa Anna, (hen President of Mexico, and uniting 
in his own person all the powers of Government, acknowledged " the full, 
entire, and perfect independence of the Republic of Texas," with the Rio 
Grande as the western boundary. Our own Government, and the leading 
Powers of Europe, seeing no effort on ihe part of Mexico lo re-establish her 
power, and regarding her claim to sovereignty as abandot:cd, also recognised 
the independence of Texas. 

Eighi years elapsed from the establishment of Texan independence, before 
the question of annexation was presenied to the Au^erican people, for consider- 
ation. It was early forseen from obvious causes thai (he State of Texas would 



be restored to the American confederacy. The public mind had been long con- 
lemplatinfi^ this great national question, before (he submission of Mr. Tylet*s 
trealy to the Senate for ratification. This treaty was rejected in the sprifi<rof 
1S44, when the Presidential canvass was opening, and the slumbering passions 
of the people were awakening to the tocsin of party. The friends of annex- 
ation hoped, in view of the great importance of this cjuestion — appealing ask 
did irresistibly to the pecuniary interests of the North ar-i East, and the synv 
pathies of the South and West — that it.would not beccn;e a party issne in the 
contest then approaching. It could not be doubted ti'at the Democratic party 
would favor it ; in 1803 that parly had acquired the bioad and fertile domain 
of Louisiana, whereby the area of freedom was extended over the most valu- 
able portion of the American continent. By that acquisition they were com- 
mitted to the policy of territorial extension. The Federal parly of 1803 had 
opposed the purchase of Louisiana, upon grounds which then seemed plaus- 
ible ; but thirty years had elapsed, and their idle speculation had been ex- 
ploded by the grand development of events. 

But the national importance of this question did not preserve it from the de- 
secration of party. Believing that the abolition feeling of (he free States could 
be roused into opposition, Mr. Clay took his position against annexation m. 
his Raleigh letter of 17(h April, 1844. Instantly, as by magic, annexatioa 
lost its nationality. It was no longer a great American question; a large 
portion of the American people were required to oppose it, by the ukase of 
their parly leader. The Democratic party soon after assembled in Conven- 
tion, nominated their candidate for the Presidency, and proclaimed the "aa- 
nexadon of Texas," as one of the objects of (heir policy. 

Thus, sir, by the action of Mr. Clay and his friends, the fate of Texas w^as 
suspended upon the issue of (he pending contest. 

But I am not to be understood as questioning Mr. Clay's right to oppose 
annexation ; my object is, to call at(ention (o the grounds of his opposition. 
In defiance of all the facts I have stated showing the contrary, it was assumed 
that Mexico had rights of sovereignty over Texas, and in substance, thaUhe 
annexation of the latter would authorize Mexico to wage war upon us. This 
is an argument against the rights of revolution, the obvious tendency of 
which was to induce Mexico to revive her forgotten and abandoned claianto 
Texas. And we find the Mexican Government at home, and her minister here^ 
urging the very argimients assumed by (he Whig party in the canvass of 1844, 

In this we see the germ of the Mexican war, and the Whig party are just- 
ly responsible for its incipient causes. 

The views of each candidate were before the American people for deter- 
mination ; the one denying in eflfect the sacred right of resistance to tyrant^ 
and maintaining the tyrant's claiu) to bind the broken chains of his despotism 
upon a free people ; the other, insisting not only on the right of resistaticei, 
but further, that the people of Texas had successfully resisted — that they 
were in fact, and rightfully independent ; and being so, the right of annexa- 
tion was a necessary corollary. The American people sustained the Dem©- 
cralic party ; free principles were vindicated, and the dominion of despoiisse 
receded beyond the Rio Grande. 

The succeeding Congress passed joint resolutions for the annexation of 
Texas, upon certain terms and conditions, to be submitted to the people of 
,hat country for acceptance. Within a few days after the passage of the joiett 
resolutions, Almonte, the Mexican Minister, then resident near our Govefs- 
ment, entered his solemn protest against this act, declaring it to bean iufring-'O- 
ment of the rights of his Government, and at the same time demanded his 
passp&i ts and returned home. It was definitely known from sources official 
and unofficial, that Mexico regarded annexation as cause of war, and wouy 



i3?oceed to sustain her claims by the invasion of Texas ; her claim was to the 
whole of Texas, and her tlireat was, to plant her conquering standard on the 
Banks of the Sabine. 

On the 4th day of July, 1845, a convention of the people of Texas, called 
§pgether lo consider the proposiiions of our Government, accepted the terms 
and conditions of the joint resolutions by a unanimous vote ; and on the 29th 
©f December following, Congress passed a second joint resolution " for the 
admission of the State of Texas into the Union," and thus this great event 
was consummated, and Texas restored to the American confederacy. Upon 
Ihe acceptance of ihe proposed terms of annexation by the Convention of 
Texas, she was virtually in the Union, and authorized to invoke the protec- 
tion of our Government. By her alliance with us, she had excited lo fury 
the angry passions of her implacable foe, and we had become bound by the 
^■i[>mpact of union, to protect her from the consequences of an act to which 
we were a parly. An invasion was nut only threatened, but arinies were col- 
iec'ed and marshalled beyond the Rio Grande for this purpose. Now, sir, it 
will not be controverted, that it was the paramount duty of the Executive, un- 
der these circuiristances, to employ the luiliiary power of the Government to 
i'epel the threatened invasion of the State of Texas. On the 15ih of June, 
in anticipation of the action of the Convention, an adequate military force 
isnder Gen. Taylor, was ordered to advance to the mouth of the Sabine. 
Subsequently, in obedience to orders, he took a position at Corpus Chrisli, 
Beyond the Nueces, where he remained until the 12th of March, 1S46. In 
the meantime, eveiy effort had been made by our Government to conciliate 
Mexico, and induce her to settle existing difficulties by negotiation. But 
©ur proffers of negotiation were spumed, our concessions despised, and our 
aSteuipts at conciliation held as evidences of cowardice. 

Such was the state of our relations on the 4ih of October, 1845, when 
Sten. Taylor advised an onward march to the Rio Grande, under the impres- 
sion that a display of our '• military preparation," would tend to the peaceable 
adjustment of all questions in dispute. He thought it advisable to make this 
advance with the view of "showing" our readiness to vindicate by force our 
title to the Rio Grande. This advice was given with one qualificalion, viz : 
"if our Government designs lo make the boundary of the Rio Grande an 
nkimaiurn." But before the 13ih of January, 1846, the day on which the 
©rder to advance was issued to Gen. Taylor, our Government had determined 
m make this hiie an ultimauim. I concede, the President alone had no 
piower to determine this question. I make no reference to him when I speak 
of the Government. On the 31st of December, 1845, Congress had passed 
Ml act establishing a port of delivery at Corpus Chrisli, beyond the Nueces, 
and within the territory tioio said to be disputed ; and on the 4th of Febru- 
ary, 1840, Congress passed another act establishing a post route within the ler- 
TJtory intermediate the Nueces and the Rio Grande, and the language of the 
act refers to Corpus Christi, as " Corpus Christi in Texas." One of the 
above acts was passed before the order to advance wos issued — both, before 
die advance was actually made. But apart from these legislative declara- 
tions of the two houses of Congress, to which it would be unnecessary to 
make refeience, but for the purpose of showing a harmony of opinion between 
!;^€ Executive and Legislative branches of the Government, we have other and 
more conclusive evidences, that the Rio Grande is the true boundary of Texas 
The only claim of Texas to any part of her territory rests upon success/id 
revolution, and as far as her revolution extended, pari pasm her territory ex- 
tended. Now, it is matter of history, that the people west of the Nueces par- 
ticipated in the revolution, and made common cause with Texas for libera- 
Qon. The Convention which declared the independence of Texas in March, 



1836, was composed, in part, of delegates from the country between tka 
Nueces and (he Rio Grande, and of course, the inhabitants of the interrae<fc- 
ate country were included in the declaration. 

In consequence of the armistice agreed upon between the two countrias 
in 1S43, Sania Anna, then President of :\Iexico, made the following procla- 
mation through Gen. Woll, one of the commanders of his army : 

"3d. Every individual who shall be found at the distance of one league from the left bank of the 
Rio Bravo will be regarded as a favorer and acconuplice of the usurpers of that part of the naiiooai 
territory." 

Again, after the defeat of Santa Anna at Buena Vista, in his leport of that 
battle he says : 

"I obsen,ed we could say nothing of peace while the Americans were on this side of the Rit 
Bravo, or occupied any part of the Mexican territory." 

But I need not multiply proofs upon a purely geographical question whicfe 
is so well settled, especially since Mexico herself, pending ihe agitation of 
annexation in this country, cffeied to acknowledge the independence of Tex:- 
as, with the Rio Grande as her boundary, upon condition that, she would q<^ 
annex herself to any foreign power. And it is not necessary to my pur{>ose 
to show an indisputable title to ihe Rio Grande; conceding the iniern.edi- 
ate territory to be disputable, and we had an equal right to its occupation 
with the adverse claimant. Moreover, if the territory had been clearlv the 
properly of Mexico, and our armed occupation had been necessary fo'r the 
purpose of repelling invasion, under the law of nations, we were authorised 
to extend cur armies over it. That an invasion was determined on, is a© 
longer matter of conjecture. The march of the army to Matamoras did not 
bring on the war, but merely determined the locality of the first battle. U 
was a movement designed to hasten a peaceful adjustment of pending diffi- 
culties, as well as to overawe the spirit of aggression by a display of " mili- 
tary pieparaiion." And, looking at all coniingencies, it was wisely deter- 
mined to meet the invasion if it did occur, upon an unsettled frontier, befof« 
the populous parts of the country had been visited by its scourge. 

Well, sir, all our etforts to avoid war were unavailing. On the 24th of 
April, Gen. Arista, then in command of (he Mexican forces, communicated 
to Gen. Taylor that '• he considered hosiilities commenced and should prose- 
cute fhem." On the same day, Capt. Thornton, with a detachment of sixty 
three dragoons, was sut rounded by a large body of Mexican troops ; a short 
engagement ensued, in which sixteen of Thornton's men were killed and 
w'ounded, and the remainder compelled to surrender. Thornton and his men 
were on this side the Rio Grande, on (he soil of Texas, one of (he States of 
the American Confederacy. The Mexican army had left their own territo- 
f}', and crossed the river for offensive purposes, and actually commenced the 
war, by shedding the blood of American soldiers upon American soil. These 
facts were communicated to Congress by the Executive on the llth May, 
1846, with a recommendation to Congress " to recognize the existence of the 
war, and to place at the disposition of the Executive the means of prose- 
cuting the war with vigor." In conformity with the recommendation of (he 
Executive, Congress, on the 13th of the same month, passed " an act-provid- 
ing for the prosecution of the existing war between the United Sta(es and ihe 
Republic of Mexico," the preamble of which declares that, '' by the act of 
the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and 
the United States." This act provided for a prosecution of the war to a 
speedy and successful termination, and appropriated ten millions of dollars,, 
and authorised the Executive to accept tlieservicesof fifty thousand voluuteece 
for this purpose. Jn the House of Representatives but fourteen votes were re- 
corded in the negative upon the passage of this act, and in the Senate but ts^ 



Now, sir, I have shown the origin of this war ; and its subsequent 
recognition, by an almost unanimous vote of the two houses of Con- 
gress. Up 10 this period it was not a party question. When the can- 
"Bon's roar from the banks of the R-io Grande broke upon the American ear, 
the nation sprung to arms. The morning gun of the Revohition from Ban- 
ker's Hill, aroused not a purer and hoUer enthusiasm. The resistless tide of 
l^atriotism rolled over the land, covering with its wave the fears ot the timid 
and the calculations of the selfish. The husbandman left his fields, the ar- 
Sizan his workshop, the merchant the marts of commerce; all classes emu- 
lous in their support of the national cause, struggled for precedence in the 
conflict. Hundreds of thousands rushed to uphold the flag of their countr}'-, 
and rescue her soil from the invader. The whole people were animated by 
the same impulse which pervaded the christian nations of Europe, when 
Peter the Heimit raised the standard of the Cross for the rescue of the holy 
snausoleum from the infidel. Where then was the anti-war party which has 
since sprung up in the two houses of Congress? If the war was unconsti- 
tutional on the I3th of May, it should have been avowed, and the war bill 
voted down. If the country between the Nueces and the Rio Grande be- 
longed to Mexico, that fact should tJien have been avowed, and the army 
"withdrawn to the east bank of the Nueces. But at this time, as at first, was 
its great antecedent, the annexation of Texas ; the war was not a party ques- 
tion. No objection was uiged by the Whig party to the body of the bill, pro- 
viding the men and money for the prosecution of the war into the heart of 
Mexico; for to that extent the bill upon its face shows the war was to be 
be carried. The only exception taken by that party was to the preamble of 
Ihe bill declaring that war existed by the act of Mexico. The Whig 
party of that Congress weie willing to vote the supplies, and did vote them, 
when those supplies were asked for the purpose of prosecuting the war, to an 
indefinite extent into the heart of the enemy's country. Now, I insist that 
4he vote of the Whig party in support of this bill, commits them fully to the 
(eonstitutionality and justice of the war. And this is the effect of their vote, 
with or without the preamble. They cannot now oppose the war upon the 
groimds assumed, without placing their party in the present Congress, in glar- 
ing and shameless inconsistency with the recorded acts of that party in the 
last Congress. It cannot be said by those who voted for this bill, that they 
were influenced by the perilous situation of the army, and that, therefore, 
ibeir vote cannot be construed into approbation of the war ; for it was well 
known, that as early as August, 1845, Gen. Taylor had been authorized to 
eall for volunteers, not from Texas only, but from the States of Louisiana, 
Alabama, Mississippi, and Kentucky ; and that he would be able thence to 
derive assistance much sooner than troops could be raised under the act. 
And in January, 1846, he had been authorized to make a requisition upon 
She Executive of Texas for such militia force as he might deem necessary 
for his own safety, which force was at all times at his command. If he had 
deemed it necessary he could have called out this force prior to his move- 
ment. This extensive authority to call for troops, volunteers as well as mi- 
litia, enabled him if he had so chosen to have marched to the Rio Grande 
with twenty thousand men. He could have deployed upon the plain of 
Falo Alto, such an army as the western world had never seen. An army po- 
tent in numbers, splendid in equipment, exulting with valor. What would 
^ave been the effect of a display upon such a scale of " our military prepa- 
^ration." Palo Alto would have remained unconsecrated ground, and Re- 
saca forever unknown in history or in song. 

Then the vote of the Whig party of the 29th Congress, in support of 
fiic war bill cannot be explained consistently in this way. Taylor had a 



sufficient force for his purposes as results proved, and they knew it, and ihey 
could only have voted for ihe act, because they ap[)roved the views of the 
PresidentjS messno^eof ihe I lih of May ; heuce by that vote ihe Whig party 
was couiiniiied to ihe support of the war, and if they have since opposed it, 
the reason of that opposiiion s' ould be known. 

Now, sir, on the 13ih of May, 184G, we have the temple of Janus thrown 
wide open, and ihe war in full blast, wiih the complete recognition and en- 
doisement of both parties in the two Houses of Congress ; and there was no 
indication of opposition during that session. Thus the session terminated. 
The great victories on the Rio Grande had been achieved, and their effect 
upon the country cannot be unknown to members of this House. The pub- 
'lic mind was in a stale of excitaiioii unknown since the battle of New Orleans. 
Party was forgotten, and the people only remembered they were Americans. 
^' Bonfiies and illuminations" as in days past, attested the general exultation. 
But while the pseans of a generous people ascended to the God of battles, a 
hoarse disturbani croak was occasionally heard, marring the Ijarmony of the 
national anthem. It was soon discovered that ihe parlizau spirit of the country 
was not dead, but slept. As soon as the public mind found comparative repose 
from its first excitement, the tendency of events could not be mistaken. The 
President was connuander in chief of the army. He had a right to prescribe 
<he plan of campaign. He shared with our Generals in the field in respon- 
sibily to the country, for the success of our military operations. In this man- 
ner identified with the war, and responsible for its success, ii was seen that 
he would share alike in its glory. A generous people could never hold the 
Executive responsible for the calamities and disasters of a war, and deny to 
him a participation in the renown of its benefits and triumphs. From the 
position of the Whig parly upon every old question, it had Ijecome a matter 
of absolute political necessity, to make up a new issue, or the party was dis- 
banded. They found themselves in the predicament of the discomfited 
Richard upon Bosworth field, when he exclaimed — 

" A horse, a horse, my Kingdom for a horse !" 

They wanted an issue, and were prepared to exclain — 

" My country for an issue !" 

The bank was admitted to be an obsolete idea, and its rival measure the 
Independent Treasury had stood the lest of time and scrutiny, and won its 
way over formidable prejudices to the confidence of the people. The Whig 
party cannot now find fault with the Independent Treasury. 

The revenue taritfof 1846 lias been established in lieu of the unequal 
and burdensome tariff of 1842, and the o>'ficial reports of the Treasury show 
an increase of revenue under its operation, of about eight millions per annum, 
with other incalculable benefits, by a development of all the industrial pur- 
suits of the country , and a vastinciease of our loreign commerce. The Whig' 
parly do not desire " to disturb tl>e present tarifif." 

Every measure of policy to which the Democratic party were pledged by 
the resolutions of the Baltuuore Conreniion in May, 1844, has been establshed, 
and the country is now in ihe enjoyment of their full fruition. And so com- 
pletely are they vindicated by their practical operation, that party opposilioii 
is rebuked into silence. 

Thus it is apparent that the Whig party before this time would have ceased 
to exist, but for their opposition to the war. They had abandoned opposition 
to the administration upon eveiy peace question, and if they had gone with the 
Democratic paity in stfppoit of the war, they \\'ou\d, ipso facfo, have merged 
themselves in the great Democratic party, and have been lost in its immensity. 

In Ihe interval between the first and second sessions of the 29ih Congress, 
the partizan press of New England, in a few instances took ground against 



8 

the war, and in a feeble and querulous tone carped at the course of the Ex- 
ecutive ; but they were hardly heard amid the loud shouts of exultation at 
the triumph of our arms. The Whig party had not yet announced their op- 
position to the war. On the first Monday in December, 1846, Congress as- 
sembled, and the President sent in his annual message, ronlaining a full, 
lucid, and impartial narrative of events preceding the Mexican war and its 
histoiy up to that time. Among other things, he said in that message : 

" The war has been represented as unjust and unnecessary, and as one of aggression on our part 
upon a weak and injured enemy. Such erroneous views though entertained by but few, have been 
widely and extensively circulated, not only at home, but have been spread throughout Mexico aaJ 
the whole world. A more effectual means could not have been devised to encourage the enemy and 
protract the war, than to advocate and adhere to their cause, and thus give them aid and comfort." 

The time had arrived in the judgment of political savans, (o throw 
the Whig party of (he country in opposition to the war. This ques- 
tion, like the annexation question, which had preceded it, and for the 
same reasons and motives, was destined to be the mere football of par- 
ty. When the message came up for discussion, distinguished members 
of (he opposition declared the war to be " unconstitutional and unjust," and, 
in loud, vapid, and malignant speeches, denounced the Executive as its author. 
With utter disregard of the written statements of the document under discus- 
sion, they insisted that the charge in the above extract applied to the whole 
Whig party, when by its very terms, it was limited to a " few " misguided 
persons. In the canvass of 1S44, we often heard of the " great W^hig party," 
has its numbeis since then so sloughed off, as to make the adjective few, 
applicable to il in this sense? They assailed (he march to the Rio Grande 
as an unconstitutional movement, whereby the Executive had wrested the 
war making power from Congress, and pointed to the Oregon negotiation, and 
asked why the Executive had not marched the army to the line of 54*^ 40'. 
In the bitterness of party zeal, they had forgotten all the facts and circum- 
stances of the Oregon negotiation. What analogy is there in the two cases? 
In the first place there was a treaty existing between the two Countries, con- 
taining a clause of joint occupation, and prohibiting either from taking ex- 
clusive possession. In the second place, no invasion was meditated or threat- 
ened by Great Britain, and we had no defenceless population in that country 
which called for the protection of our army. If the cases had been analagous, 
the action of the Executive would have been the same. But, in justice to 
the good sense of gentlemen on (he other side, (some of whom have referred 
to this question during the present session,) I am not permitted (o consider 
the Oregon case as seriously referred (o. I am (o understand it as an insinua- 
tion, that our Government would pursue a course of iron-handed oppression 
to weak and degraded Mexico, and cowering submission to Britain. Well, 
sir, I must say its obtuseness as a sarcasm, is more remarkable than its ab- 
surdity as an argument. If we were to obliterate all reminisences ; if these 
gentleuien could expunge the history of the revolution and of the last war, 
and leave only the record of our colonial bondage, (here would be some 
point in their insinuation. But while partizans on (his floor may endeavor 
to pluck from the national escutcheon the trophies earned in past conflicts with 
(he proudest kingdom of (he woild ; every man who has an American heart 
will refer to the past, for evidences that we do not fear, however much we may 
deprecate a collision with England. We can proudly point to Saratoga and 
Yorkiown, (o Chippewa and New Orleans, to naval vtctories which lit up (he 
ocean wiih their splendor, and despise such aspersions upon (he national fame. 
By the course of the Whig party at this early stage of the second session 
of the twenty-ninth Congress, the Mexican war was made a party question. 
Ita support, its responsibility, was thrown upon the Democratic party. It is 
true, the opponents of the war, during this session, voted sppplies of men 



and money for its prosecuiion, while, at the same time, they vlenounced it, 
and disclaimed ail responsibility for its consequences. Error is ever incon- 
sistent, and in no case more glaringly than in this. If the war is " unconsti- 
tutional and unjust," its prosecution is a crime, and if I, sir, entertained this 
opinion, under no circumstances could I make myself particeps cri/niuis by 
voting supplies. If it be true that the President has involved us in an un- 
just war, the honor of the country demands the immediate withdrawal of our 
troops, and that due reparation be made to injured Mexico. All these con- 
sequences follow necessarily from the position taken by the Whig party. Gen- 
tlemen on the other side are too intelligent not to admit it, if their party policy 
did not forbid such an admission. But they have succeeded in their object, 
and made up an issue with the President. They have taken a position 
which places them adverse to him, but they shrink from carrying out the 
legitimate conse(|uences of their position. Why did they not vote against 
supplies during the last session? We know, fiom their published speeches, 
they were opposed to the war, and if they had followed their opinions and 
feelings, such would have been their course. This question is readily an- 
swered. They were controlled in this, not by their sense of propriety, or by 
patriotic feelings, but by an influence generally far more potent with the poli- 
tician — the fear of that public indignation which, more terrible than the led 
h'ghtnings of heaven, would have blasted them in their iniquity ! 

I mu^ do the opposition the justice to say that I believe they desire to act 
consistently. They feel the embarrassment of their position. They appre- 
ciate the extreme awkwardness of voting supplies for a war which they con- 
demn as unconstitutional and unjust. They want to throw ofl" the mask,, 
and proclaim to the world their detestation of the war and its objects, and 
refuse to vole another dollar for its support. But before this can be done, 
the public mind must be prepared for it, and hence the course of the Whig 
party during the present session of Congiess. At its commencement the 
Pjesident sent in his annual message, recommending appropriations of men 
and money necessary to the vigorous prosecution of the war to a speedy 
peace. Immediate legislation was deemed of the highest importance in ef- 
fecting the object in view. The opponents of the war have a majority in 
this House, and therefore control its conduct and legislation. And what have 
they done? More than eight weeks of the session was consumed in denun- 
ciations of the President and the war, before the majority permitted a refe- 
rence of the message to the appropriate committees. But this was necessa- 
ry to prepare the public mind for the course intended to be pursued. By 
misrepresentation of the objects of the war and the motives of the Execu- 
tive; by sophistical arguments designed lo place their own Government in 
the wrong, and excite sympathy in behalf of the public enemy, the}' hoped 
to delude the public mind and coriupt the national heart. The course of 
the opposition in this House clearly indicates their fixed determination not 
to vote the necessary supplies, and this would have been annouced at the 
beginning of the session, if their moral nerve had been commensurate with 
their partizan malignity. A loan was necessary, whir-h could have been 
readily procured by the issuance of Treasury notes, without creating iheslight- 
est business pressure. But instead of this, a loan bill has been passed, 
which authorizes the issuance of a six per cent, stock. Now, when this 
bill was reported from the committee, it was the opinion in commercial cir- 
cles that no money could be raised under it; that capitalists would not buy 
the slock. And there was good reason to believe when the bill passed this 
Hott^e that the slock could not be negotiated. Circumstances have since 
changed, which must lead to an appreciation of Government stocks. But 
these changes were not anticipated when the committee of Ways and 



10 

Means reported this bill. What was the anticipated effect upon business, 
of throwing this amount of stock (sixteen millions) into the market, and 
withdrawinj^ this large sum of money from the ordinary channels of com- 
merce ? When we look to this, sir, we will see ihe object in view ; the ef- 
fect anticipated was to give stringency to the money market; to tleiange 
commercial operations; to paralyze the business of the country. The object 
was to bring odium upon the war. 

An increase in our military force was necess-^ry, if we intended to prose- 
cute the war to a successful termination, and the early action of Congress, 
providing this force, was strenuously recommended by the Executive. But 
up to this day we have no report from the Military Committee of this House 
upon that recomuiendation of the message. The opposition are perhaps 
awaiting the effertsof the loan bill they have given us, upon the public sen- 
timent of the country ; to see whether the pressure upon business which 
that bill is designed to create, will not arouse such manifestations of opposi- 
tion to the war, that a pretext will be afforded for refusing any increase in 
our military force. Such has been the course of the majority in this House, 
upon the important /;rGrc^«c-'// subjects of legislation, so earnestly recommend- 
ed to their "eaily" consideration. While our war-worn army, in the midst 
of a hostile population of eight millions, were anxiously looking to the 
American Congress for reinforcements, the time of the House has beep con- 
sumed in denuciations of the President, and in the passage of abstract reso- 
lutions embodying the opinion of the majority upon the origin of the war. 
They have passed a resolution which declares that the war was '-unneces- 
sarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President." This resolu- 
tion was passed by the unanimous vote of the opposition. Much that is said 
in debate here may find some excuse in the excitement of the moment, but 
this, resolution cannot be excused, for it is studiously and ingeniously drawn 
to unite the whole Whig party, and bears upon its face the marks of callous 
calculation. What will be the judgment of the people upon those who have, 
iox a party purpose, \)\AceA tlieir own coimtry in the wrong, perverted the 
well-known' facts of history, and sullied the national records with a delibe- 
rate falsehood ? 

In commenting upon the course of the opposition during the present ses- 
sion, I must not omit to notice some of the charges made in this House on 
yesterday, which, however pointless they may be, challenge attention from their 
novelty. Some days since we passed a resolution calling upon the Presi- 
dent for ceitain correspondence between the Secretary of War and Generals 
Scott and Taylor, which has been transmitted to this House. The President 
was charged on yesterday with " garbling'' this correspondence. In reply I 
have only to state that this is not true ; there has been no garbling , every ma- 
terial part of this correspondence in reference to Gen. Scott is in possession of 
the House, and upon the clerk's table. But when this correspondence is ex- 
amined, it does not suit the purpose of the gentleman, (Mr. ClingmanO who 
displayed so much eagerness in its pursuit. No charge against the Execu- 
tive can be predicated upon it, and the gentleman who brought it before the 
House, now seeks to suppress it. He finds it necessary to change the direc- 
tion of his remarks, and proceeds to impute to the President and his advisers 
imbecility in planning the campaigns in Mexico, which have been so success- 
fully and brilliantly executed. True, he does not specify in what the imbe- 
cility consists, because it is safer to deal in generalities. Sir, we are prone to test 
any project of peace or war by its success. Since the commencement of this \|;^r 
two grand objects have been kept steadily in view, the conquest and occupa- 
tion of California and the capture of the city of Mexico. The first was im- 
portant, because in the exaction of indemnity from Mexico for the war forced 



.11 

upon us, we had no option but an acquisition of territory. No part of the 
public domain of Mexico was more valuable to us than California, on ac- 
count of its agriculiural and commercial advantages. The world, perhaps, 
does nci affoid more inducements to the cultivator of the soil, than the fer- 
tile and be-xutiful valleys of the San Joachim and Sacramento, while ihe 
safe and capacious harbors which dot her western shore, invite lo iheir bo- 
soms the rich commerce of the east. The second object was imporiant to 
bring the war to a termination. It was believed that the capture of this gor- 
geous city, once the seat of a different, if not a higher civilization, and now 
the centre of Mexican v/ealih and power, and the stronghold of military 
despotism, would secure the ardently desired object of the war — peace, per- 
manent and subslanlial peace, between the two countries. The result has 
establit-hed the wisdom of these plans and objecis. Our flag has been borne 
across the entire province of California, and now waves in triumph over the 
peaceful bays of San Diego, Monterey, and San Francisco. California is 
ours — the god Terminus has marched westward in a new direction until the 
waves of ihe Pacific wash his feet, and his arn)S are extended over ten de- 
grees of latiiude. Then, sir, the plan for the occupation of California, has 
been as ably conceived as it has been brilliantly executed. 

Has there been any fault in the plan of campaign for the capture of the 
Caj)ital ? *I admit it was slariling from its very boldnes> ; the tiniid mind 
shrunk from its contemplation, terrified at the apparent ditlicidties of its exe- 
cution. The first feature of this plan was the reduction of that massive and 
feudal structure which frowned upon (he sea, as if in defiance of assault, the 
wave-washed and battle-scarred castle of San Juan d'Uloa. The opinion 
was prevalent in Europe that the castle was impregnable. But our valiant 
army appeared before it. They were intimidated by none of the idle 
fears which even yet, haunt the mind of the politician. The angry surf 
raged along the coast, as if the sea god Neptune had determined to battle on 
the side of Mexico. The transports which bore them surmounted the surf, 
the sand hills were gained, and the American cannon demanded a surrender; 
'the gates of that celebrated fortress opened lo the summons, and the Gibraltar 
of the western world yielded to the irresistible prestige of our arms. Gen. 
Scott, in his despatch announced to the President that " the flag of the United 
Slates floats in triumph over the walls of this city and the castle of San Juan 
d'Uloa." Thus it seems that the first feature of the plan was practicable. 

But the consummation of the plan required the march of the army over the 
Vera Cruz road to the capital. They commenced the ascent of the mountain 
with the same buoyancy and celerity they would have moved down an in- 
clined plain. And never in ancient or modern times was a natioiral flag 
borne onward over such difficuliies. We are informed that, in times past, Han- 
nibal crossed the Alps, but that was before gunpowder had ever awakened the 
slumbering echoes of the mountain. Napoleon led his battalions over the 
snow-covered summit of San Bernard ; but instead of an armed force to ar- 
rest liis progress, the monks of the convent invoked the blessings of Heaven 
upon him. Not so with the advance of our army. When the conquering 
columns of Worth toiled up the jagged Cordilleras, fortresses with their brist- 
ling armaments frowned upon them. But they bore in their front the eagles 
of our country, resplendant in ihe glory of Palo Alto, Resaca, and Monterey. 
Cerro Gordo was reached, and our columns hardly shook as they swept 
through the pass. Jalapa, Perote, Puebla, in quick succession, saw the armed 
enemies of depotism defile through their streets. The miraculous conflicts in 
the valley of Mexico were fought. The garitas were surmoimted and drip- 
ping with blood, the victors of so many glorious battle fields planted the 
standard of their country upon the liighest dome of the enemy's capital. Now, 



12 

sir, I must repeat, that (he result of these campaigns sufficiently establishes the 
wisdom of their conception, and that the charge of " imbeciliiy" is thrown 
back upon the assailants of (he Executive. 

It was said on yesterday that if Gen. Taylor had marched to the Rio Grande 
with a greater force, the consequences woidd have been different, that Mexico 
would have yielded to intimidation, and war would not have ensued. Now, 
sir, this is an assuak upon Gen. Taylor, as my preceeding remarks will show, 
though ostensibly directed against the President, and comes from one (Mr. 
Clingman,) inimical to Gen. Taylor, and who seeks covertly to snatch from 
the brow of Taylor his hard earned laurels, to decorate another distinguished 
military chieftain, whose party orthodoxy is noi suspected. The amount of 
force was a matter of discietion with Gen. Taylor; he wos authorised to aug- 
ment it, but he decided not to do so, and the battles on the Rio Grande show 
that he had a sufficient force to repel, triumphantly, any attack made upon him. 
I will admit if he liarl marched from Corpus Christi with an army fourfold 
larger, that he would in all probability have seen no enemy in his inarch, and 
no attack would have been made upon him at Palo Alto. But under no cir- 
cumstances could war have been avoided, but by lemoving the cause of irri- 
tation. If we had abandoned the Stale of "^I'exas to the Sabine, and the in- 
habiianls of Texas had quietly bowed iheh necks to the yoke of Mexico, war 
could have been avoided. If Taylor's army had been so large as to cause 
intimidation, and prevent the passage of the river by the Mexican troops, of 
course we would have had no battles a/ that time, but the effect would have 
been to postpone the collision of arms to some other tiine when circumstances 
favored a successful attack. In the meantime we would have had a state of 
war without battles, and our Texan frontier, wherever unprotected, would 
have been exposed to sudden incursion. My opinion is, that if the battles on 
the Rio Grande could have been avoided, war was unavoidable, and that it 
was not the jiolicy of our Government to atietnpt to avoid, by a timid aban- 
donment of our rights, an evil which we were prepared to encounter. 

The gentleman from Tennesse, (Mr. Haskell.) informed us that the pro- 
traction of the war was attributable to the inadequacy in Gen. Tayloi's force, 
and the force which composed the column of Scott. This charge raises 
an important subject of inquiry. It seems that gentlemen on boih sides of 
the House admit the war to have been protracted by agencies at home. We 
agree in the result, and only differ as to the causes. The gentleman from 
Tennessee has assigned the causes, which, in his opinion, have produced this 
result, and lam disposed to award great respect to the opinions of military gen- 
tlemen. But it so happens, sir, that military men disagree on this subject. 
1 have a letter before me from a very distinguished gentlemen now with the 
army in Mexico, who has fought,! believe, in the glorious column of Scott, and 
who belongs to the same political party with the gentleman from Tennessee. 
That there may be no misapprehension of his views, I will read his letter. 

Extract from Colonel Wynkoop' s Letter. 
" We, HERE, can see no difference between the men who, in 1776, succored the British, and 
those who, in 1847, gave arguments and sympathy to the Mexicans. This kind of language, 
from a man who came into this campaign a Whig in policy, may sound strange to you, but I have 
agai.i and again been compelled to listen to, and to suffer that, which would have changed the 
disposition and alienated the affections of the most determined partizan. Even now, I do not ob- 
ject to the leading and main principles of my old party, so niuch as I curse and deprecate the 
tone of its acknowledged leaders and supporters. If there is any reason which will prevent Gen- 
eral Scott from effecting an honorable peace, commanding, as he does, the whole city of the Az- 
tecs, with his powerful battery, it is the spirit of treason which I unhesitatingly say is promulga- 
ted by the leading Whig journals at home. In a sortie upon some ladrones at Jalapa, a short 
time since, I possessed myself of all the late newspaper publications in that place, and upon ex- 
amining them, I find that, in that place, as same as in Mexico, the strongest arguments published 
against our army are selections from Whig papers in the United States. I send you a late copy 
of the ' Boletin de Noticias,' in which you will perceive that the first article is an extract from the 
national Intelligencer. Your friend, F. M. WYNKOOP." 



13 

This, sir, is the language of a patriotic Whig. He lells us, that now he 
has no objecdon to " the leading and main principles" of his party. But he 
prefers the interest and glory of his country to the ascendancy of a party, 
the policy of which, is in hostility to both. But as this is a question upon 
which niilitaiy men have spoken, I will submit to the House an extract from 
the speech of another officer of high rank, who was at ihe head of his bri- 
gade in the bloody battles before the ciiy of Mexico ; who ha? done hard 
and honorable eervice ; and who has the admiration and confidence of the 
American people. I refer, sir, to Brigadier General Pierce, who made the 
following remarks : 

Extract from the Speech of General Pierce, delivered at Concord, New Hampshire, on the 

2\)ih January. 
" He was here, not to discuss any matter in controversy, but to meet his friends. Still, the 
subject of the war was necessarily presented to their consideration by the occasion. Before en- 
gaging in it, it was his belief that it was irresistibly forced upon us. If he had ever doubted be- 
fore, conversation with the most intelligeni men in Mexico would have conJinned him in the 
opinion that, after the annexation of Texa^, it was unavoidable on our part. Conquest was evi- 
dently neither the cause nor the object of the war, and yet he was constrained to say, that there 
had seemed to be, in the obstinicy of the Me.xicans, the uniibrm success of our arms, and the 
present state ot' our relations with that country, something like the irresistible force of destiny. For 
one, it had been, and still was, his hope that a peace, just and honorable to both nations, might 
be in some way achieved. The obstacles to such a consummation, as he apprehended, had arisen 
from unexpected sources. There was, unquestionably, in Mexico, a formidable and intelligent 
party, who had resisted, and would resist, negotiations, so long as they could hope, through our 
army, to escape from the military misrule under which that country had literally groaned for the 
last twenty years. 

" Again : the party desiring peace, and sincerely striving for it, had been embarrassed and wea- 
kened, if not discouraged, by the course of things here. President Herrera and the Mexican Con- 
gress, who were understood to be in favor of peace, might be so weakened by the declarations of 
our own countrymen, that they would not dare to conclude a peace. When at the camp near 
Jdlnpn, a paper published in that city was brought to him, the whole of the first page of 
which, 'ind a part of the second, icas filled with extracts from the American press, and from 
speeches mad^e in this country, xohich induced the editors to say, that while the intelligent and 
virtuous portion of the people of North America held such sentiments, nothing remained for 
them to add in justification of their course towards the United Slates. On the same day that 
he read the bitter denunciations of the war, and all connected with it, from newspaper articles and 
speeches made at home, he saw posted by the way-side, and upon the ranches, the proclamation of 
Gen. Salas to the guerrillas, with the watchword of 'Death to Yankees, without mercy!' Thus, 
with communication cut off from the coast, with no knowledge of the situation of the army in 
the interior, with daily rumors of strong forces to obstruct their march, was there furnished from 
our own country food which fed the ferocity that pursued his command at every turn. 

" The effect it was calculated to produce upon the Mexican Government and people was suffi- 
.ciently obvious. What was the feeling inspired in his own command, it was unnecessary to say. 
However lightly their position might be regarded at home, they knew that there was but one 
course, and that was to go forward. 

" In the office of the Secretary of State, in the city of Mexico, a large collection of extracts 
from newspapers and speeches of our own countrymen were found filed away in ihe pigeon 
holes, and had been used in preparing proclamations to iiifiamc the Mexican population. 

" He brought no accusation agamst any party or any man. Men of all parties, in this country, 
exercised their own judgment, and expressed their own o])inion, in their own way ; and so he 
trusted it would ever be ; but he could not but regard it as most unfortunate that upon a great 
question, involving the blood of our countrymen, and so deeply and Titally the interests of the 
nation, we could not present a united front. If we could have done so, he firmly believed that 
months ago there would have been a peace, just and honorable to both nations. If we could do 
so now, he thought the skies were bright and promising. General Pierce, after again thanking 
the audience for their kind reception, sat down amid repeated and enthusiastic cheering." 

The views of Wynkoop and '^^Bxcq spring from patriotic hearts, and are 
the honest convictions of their ja^ment, formed upon full and accurate in- 
formation obtained in Mexico, and liora the people, operated upon by these 
influences. They are expressed, I am led to believe, without reference to 
party, or their effect upon party ; for neither gentleman has any connection 
with political life. In the absence of this convincing testimony, from my 
own knowledge of the Mexican character, I have never doubted that the 
course of pariizans in this country, since the policy of the Whig party forced 
-ihem to make the Mexican war an issue, would have this effect. They are 



]4 

accustomed to constant mutafions of government in their own country — to 
frequent gritos and pronunciamentos, which result in the overthrow of one 
mihtary chieftain by the revoluiionary arm of another; and isolated as they 
are from the rest of tlie worki by a Chinese system of commercial pohcy, it 
is natural, that her ignorant and degraded population should think that a 
similar state of things exists elsewhere ; that our administrations are as ephe- 
meral as their own, and that the present Executive could not sustain himself 
against a threat of im{)eachment from Webster, a grito from Corwin, or a 
pronunciamento from Clay. In support of these opinions, I might refer to 
many distinguished names which the Mexican war has given to immortality ; 
Doniphan, Twiggs, Morgan, and a host of others, have expressed their deep 
indignation, that in the course of partizan warfare adopted by Whig politi- 
cians, they should be alike reckless of the honorof their country, and the suf- 
ferings tliey visit upon our citizen soldiery in a foreign land. But I will be 
excused from offering more testimony on this subject, when the weight of 
mililary evidence is already so much in my favor. I have heard many voices 
from Mexico on this subject, and the g-cniletnan from Tennessee is the only 
one who has expressed the opinion that the protraction of the war was attri- 
butable to the inadequacy of our military force. 

But I must proceed toother questions made in this debate. The gentle- 
man from Tennessee has enlightened the House with his views of constitu- 
tional law, and has made his exposition of the vote of the House, given some 
time ago in reference to the causes of the war. The gentleman may be a 
very good fighter; he has acquired some fame at Cerro Gordo; he pass- 
ed through thai battle, I believe, unscathed; but still there are some remark- 
able incidents connected with that battle which will give the gentleman 
fame. I believe it was said by a distinguished officer who commanded at 
Cerro Gordo, that the gentleman from Tennessee at least lost his hat upon 
that occasion — 

The Speaker here interposed, and said he must call the gentleman to order. 

Mr. Inge (continuing) said he was going on to remark, that however good 
a fighter the gentleman" might be, he had a great objection to — 

Mr. Haskell rose inquiringly, and said he did not hear the remark which 
the gentleman had made. 

Mr. Inge observed that the Speaker had pronounced it out of order. 

The Speaker. The gentleman from Alabama will proceed in order. 

Mr. Inge (Mr. H. still retaining his position upon the floor) said, I have 
no objection to proceeding in the remarks I have made, and in further re- 
marks, if I am not called to order. 

The Speakeu. The Chair must insist upon the observance of the rules 
of the House. 

Mr. Inge resuming, said. I am at liberty at least to comment upon the 
gentleman's legal and constitutional opinions as delivered here yesterday. I 
will read an extract or two from the report of Mr. Haskell's remarks of yes- 
terday, contained in the Intelligencer of this morning, as follows : 

" He could readily imagine how a war might be unjustly commenced, and yet justly prosecuted. 
For instance : he might use insulting language to the gentleman from Mississippi. He might en- 
deavor to bully that gentleman and alarm him by threats. The gentleman from Mississippi might 
reply in a similar spirit, and might insult him (Mr. H ) in return, and ultimately strike him. He 
(Mr. H) would grant that he had done wrong in threatening, bullying, and attempting to intimidate 
the gentleman from Mississippi, but he had been struck, and consequently, he had to defend himself ; 
and whatever fighting he did after that, he considered was done in self-defence, and fully justified." 

Now, whence did the gentleman from Tennessee derive his notions of 
law ? bid he take his position upon his own authority, or could he refer to 
precedent ? Let me ask the gcnilenian, in what school of law or of philosophy 
he had learned his lesson ? Did he draw it from the great sources of the 



15 

British law — from Coke and Blackatone? Does he draw it from the great 
code of the Roman law ? Why, (hey inculcate no such doctrines. It is not 
the common law of this country, and I cannot believe it is the statuie law of 
Tennessee. Surely there is no statute in Tennessee which will authorize 
him to pursue such a course. The gentleman has said he might bully a 
man — he might intimidate him by threats, and when (lie man strikes hirnjhe 
may defend himself, and then go on fighting nd Uhiium. 

Mr. Haskell (Mr. I. yielding for explanation) said the gentleman from Alabama misappreherj-'u'^' 
the position he had taken. The idea he had intended to convey by the illustration he had r .ade u.:^ 
of, was this: that the President of the United States, and not the people of the country, had com- 
mitted the first assault; that the attempt at intimidation, the threat, the bullying, if they pleased,, 
was done by the President of the United States ; and that when Congress assirmbled, and the peo- 
ple, through their representatives, first came to vote supplies of men and money to get ourselves out 
ot the difficulty into which the President had plunged us, it was necessary and right. 

Mr. Inge, resuming, said the explanation was a mere repetition of what I- 
have just read from (he gentleman's remarks of yesterday, and does not alter 
the case. I confess, sir, that my very limited and cursory reading of the law 
of assault and battery, has led me to very different conclusions. I have 
learned from the horn book of the law, that " threatening, bullying, and at- 
tempting to intimidate," were unlawfid as well as indecent acts, and that no 
glory could be won in a conflict provoked by such aggressions. The gentle- 
man voted for the resohuion I have commented on, declaring- the war to be, 
" unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President;" and 
he now says, he has never " characteVized it as an unjust war." Weil, sir, 
this is a refinement in reasoning upon a constitutional question, which it is a 
little difficult to compiehend. He will find it quite as difiicult to maintain 
his consistency in this case, as to establish his legal principles of assault and 
battery ; his assault and battery principles were offered by way of illustrating 
the consistency of his constitutional views, and strangely enough, (he illus- 
tration is more preposterous than the argument. All writers upon the law of 
nations inform us, that war cannot be lawfully commenced, unless it is de- 
manded by the highest necessity to maintain the national rights, or defend the 
national soil from aggression ; but the gentleman from Tennessee repudiating 
all that has been written, and adopting a " lex non scripta'^ of his own, tells 
us that a war may be waged without any necessity at all, and yet be a just, 
war. In this connection, the words " unnecessary" and " unjustifiable" are 
convertible terms. But with these remarks, I will leave the gentleman's 
argument and his illustration mutually casting their radiance upon each 
other. With the morality of the opinions expressed, I have nothing to do. 
Such morality would find a more appropriate utterance in the grog shop, than 
in this hall, and would better regulate (he conduct of the bully who fights 
upon the s(reet, than the intercourse of nations. 

1 beg you to believe, Mr. Speaker, that I do not refer to these ridiculous 
sophisms, because it is necessary to expose them ; in the nakedness of their 
absurdity they stand self exposed. But my object is, to exhibit the policy of 
the Whio- parly, and to show that their charges are as groundless as their de- 
nunciations are unpatriotic. 

Well, sir, the great objects of our campaigns have been accomplished — the 
^American Constitution extends its broad iEgis over California, and our sol- 
diers are bivoucked in the National Palace of Mexico ; and the legitimate 
consequences of these campaigns — consequences, designed and confidently 
expected by the President, are in the course of rapid fulfilment. A peace is 
now neo-otiaiing, nay, is pardally negotiated — a peace honorable to our own 
country, and just to Mexico. But this peace question has shared the fate of the 
war question ; and as the grim visage of war could not terrify into submission 
the' spirit of party, so neither could the Goddess of Peace soothe it into quietude. 



It will be remembered that among the many groundless charges, hurled 
with impotent energy against the President, it has been said that he did not 
desire peace, that his object was the conquest and annexation of the whole of 
Mexico, to the Isthmus of I'ehuantepec ; that his messenger of peace has secret 
instructions to defeat peace. All this was said in disregard and contempt of 
the official declarations of his intentions to both Houses of Congress. But the 
Mexican Government, "chastened by adversity," has submitted to us a treaty, 
which has been transmitted to the Executive, and although it came surround- 
ed, like the head of Medusa, with every circumstance to excite prejudice and 
.aversion, the President, (with some slight modifications,) determined to ac- 
cept it. Now, sir, so long as it was supposed the President would reject the 
treaty, the Whig party here were unqualified in their approbation of it. But 
when he does accept it, and becomes identified with it, as in the case of the 
Texas question and the war question, instantly it assumes a new aspect to 
party optics. The vituperative organs of the Whig party in both Houses of 
Congress now condemn it as dishonorable. But 1 am asked, sir, how the 
Whig parly can oppose it, after its ratification by the vote of that party in the 
(Senate? 1 answer, by inquiring how they could oppose the annexation of 
Texas, when they were known to be favorable to it, until their party leader 
commanded t/jem to wheel and countermarch ? How tliey could oppose the 
Mexican war, after recording their appiobation of it upon the journals of Con- 
gress? In all these acts we see one immutable motive — the lust of political 
power ; one fixed object— -the ascendency of party. 

As 1 have said, sir, I am in favor of the organization of party when the es- 
tablisjnnent of salutary principles is the object. But the Whig party cannot 
have this object in view, for they now renounce, as in 1S40, their whole po- 
litical creed. They not only renounce their creed, but are gravely deliber- 
ating upon the expediency of abandoning that disiinguislied and gallant man 
(who will deny to him gallantry in party warfare?) who has justly been termed 
the " embodiment" of Whig principles. They think that Whig principles, 
like the fabled shirt, will stick to Mr. Clay, and consume him, despite their 
eflforts to pull them off; they believe that Achilles is too feeble to wear his 
own armor, and that he will sink and die under its weight: Therefore they 
meditate the selection of a candidate who is not identified with Whig mea- 
sures, whose name is not upon the records of legislation, and who will con- 
sent to run as the Whig candidate, under the sobriquet of " no party." They 
do not conceal their preference for an orthodox Whig, but knowing that the 
availibiliiy of a Whig candidate is always in an inverse ratio to his orthodoxy, 
they are willing to sacrifice preference to expediency. They expect to in- 
duce the people to believe that Governments are instituted for the benefit of 
the governors, not the governed ; that office is created for the candidate, not 
for the people, and therefore the inquiry is to be confined to the personal 
claims of the candidate, without refeience to the principles he proposes to 
carry out. 

The people will see that this policy does not supersede parlies, but only 
substitutes a different party criterion — the claims of a man, instead of the 
soundness of his principles. In my opinion, sir, no man can have any ^ist 
claim to office, but his ability to discharge its duties for the benefit of the 
people ; and those who make this experiment upon popular credulity will 
learn that the voters of 1S48 have not forgotten the lessons of 1840 ; and that 
no party will be sustained by the American people which repudiates principle 
as a bond of union, and which herds together only from the morbid cravings 
of a common appetite — an appetite for the spoils of ofiice. 

Towers, printer, corner of D and 7th sts., opposite tJatioWl Aeffijen&r.*^ 




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